|  6/14/2007
- Enduring Strains of Communism
in Central and Eastern Europe: A distinguished panel of experts convened
by Hudson’s Center for European Studies offered their perspectives.
With the dedication this week of the memorial to victims of communism
in Washington, D.C., and recent friction between Russia and the United
States over the placement of missile-defense systems in former Soviet
satellites, the issue of communism’s enduring legacy in Central
and Eastern Europe is one that has become a renewed focused of the world’s
attention. With this as its context, Hudson Institute’s Center for
European Studies convened a panel discussion on  Russia’s
continuing influence in the former Soviet satellites and republics as
well as challenges domestically derived from the lingering effects of
the communist system. Energy security, the rule of law, and the need to
strengthen NATO will all feature as part of our discussion.
 A
distinguished panel of experts convened by Hudson’s Center for European
Studies offered their perspectives. Panelists include The Honorable Dr.
János Horváth, member of the Hungarian Parliament and Professor
of Economics Emeritus at Indiana’s Butler University (and recipient
of the American Hungarian Federation's Kovats
Medal of Freedom); Keith Smith, senior associate at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies, consultant on international energy
affairs, and former diplomat to Europe for over thirteen years, including
a final posting as U.S. ambassador to Lithuania; and Frank Koszorus Jr.,
former chairman of the private-sector NATO Enlargement Working Group’s
steering committee and co-president of the American Hungarian Federation.
The panel was moderated by Senior Fellow and Director of Hudson’s
Center for European Studies John O’Sullivan. A question-and-answer
period followed.
 Frank
Koszorus's remarks focused on the instability posed to NATO and the region
not only from Russian intimidation over energy, but also from threats
to popular sympathy to the US, American and Western policy toward Hungary
and the region, the rise of illiberal democracy, and the unresolved situation
of Hungarian minorities in the Carpathian Basin:
"I would like to share some thoughts with you from my perspective
as an advocate and a student of Central and Eastern Europe and to touch
on some issues for discussion this morning.
As a backdrop to my comments, I would suggest that the countries of
Central and Eastern Europe, excluding Russia or the former Soviet Union
of course, have often been neglected by the United States. My underlying
theme will be that the United States must remain engaged in the region
to help strengthen democratic institutions and the stability that derives
from democracy. Why? Simply stated, a strong and stable NATO will also
be in a better position to substantially contribute to the war against
terrorists and resist Russia’s alarming and naked attempts to expand
its influence in the region.
 Central
European sympathy toward the United States and its foreign policy goals
stands in marked contrast to West European ambivalence about U.S. global
leadership. Central European identification with the U.S. extends beyond
elite opinion and is rooted strongly in the popular imagination. This
reservoir of popular support is a precious commodity that has given U.S.
foreign policy a competitive advantage in the region during the Cold-War
and the years that have followed.
This instinctive popular support is at risk in Hungary and elsewhere
throughout the region. Some, including Anne Applebaum in her June 5th
column in The Washington Post, go so far as to say that “New Europe
no longer exists.” Although damage (caused in part by the benign
neglect referred to above) has been done, I’m not sure we’ve
reached this point of no return. Nevertheless, growing skepticism cannot
be denied.
Let us briefly examine some of the developments, besides Iraq, that
have contributed to the erosion of popular support toward the United States.
With the exception of NATO’s enlargement, we somewhat quickly lost
sight of the economic, moral and spiritual damage left in the wake of
close to fifty years of Communism that had been imposed on the region
by Soviet bayonets. One need only consider the corruption in the region.Free
elections were held and therefore nothing more needed to be done, seemed
to be the attitude shared by some decision and opinion makers. Thus, for
example, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty broadcasts to the region were
prematurely, I would argue, phased out.
 Despite
great strides toward freedom and democracy, there is work to be done,
as old impulses die hard. For example, we witnessed with great consternation
the Hungarian Socialist government’s excessive use of force against
demonstrators on October 23 – the fiftieth anniversary of the Hungarian
1956 Revolution.
Charles Fenyvesi, speaking from this platform last year went so far
as to note: “On this unhappy anniversary, the sobering fact is that
the October 23 revolution did not win, despite what the beneficiaries
of the November 4 Soviet invasion have been saying, and others repeat
because the quip sounds smart and it soothes many a guilty conscience.
It’s time to take a deep breath and acknowledge that the men of
November 4 won. At least for the moment.”
I must mention here the widespread perception in Hungary, as erroneous
as it may be, of official U.S. bias favoring the Hungarian left. It is
imperative that the U.S. should now address those democratic-minded Hungarians
who supported the conservatives and are bewildered by what they perceive
has been an absence of evenhandedness. Though losing their grasp on power,
the Hungarian democratic center, center right represents approximately
one half of the nation, if not more today.
This is not an academic question because even before the fall of the Berlin
Wall, many of these voters have been steadfast supporters of a Washington-led
NATO, in contrast to former enemies of NATO. There is a chance, however,
that if the U.S. fails to dispel the perception of favoritism, these disappointed
long-time friends of America may adopt more cynical attitudes and thus
weaken the alliance and affirm Anne Applebaum’s conclusion. Such
a development would damage U.S. interests, as it is beyond dispute that
a successful war against international terrorists requires steadfast and
genuine friends.
I would also suggest that real security in the region, involves promoting
group rights, the rule of law, and constitutional democracy, as opposed
to illiberal democracy (characterized by the tyranny of the majority).
As the tragic events in the nineties demonstrated, a primary cause of
tensions and violence in the region is discrimination against and intolerance
toward national, ethnic and religious minorities by the majority. A persistent
problem in many parts of Central and Eastern Europe is the mistreatment
of the Roma and conspicuous anti-Semitism.
A government that fails or refuses to respect minority rights can hardly
be deemed to be genuinely democratic, even if it has come to power through
the ballot. Moreover, granting legitimate group rights to historical groups
would defuse tensions and engender political stability in the Carpathian
Basin.
The issue of minority rights has nothing to do with borders as some erroneously
contend or assert in order to ignore their international legal obligations.
It has everything to do with meaningful and enduring stability in Central
Europe, however. The Hungarian minorities who seek redress for their grievances
strictly through democratic, i.e., non-violent, means themselves contribute
substantially to sustainable stability in the region. The stability flowing
from collective rights is not only of interest to Hungary, but it is also
of interest to the U.S. and NATO.
A fundamental change in Western thinking and policy is urgently needed
and long overdue. There must be visible support for measures that are
intended to assist Hungarians living as minorities maintain their unique
culture in their ancient homeland and to overcome the effects of the various
forms of discrimination, persecution, and in some instances violence they
have faced. For instance, the U.S. ought to encourage Romania and Slovakia
to return communal properties, e.g., churches, that were confiscated by
the Communists, to their respective Hungarian minorities and to grant
minorities their legitimate demands for autonomy.
An inexplicable policy that is causing inestimable damage to the United
States with its new Central and Eastern European NATO allies is the region’s
exclusion from the visa waiver program. As Helle Dale wrote in the spring
issue of European Affairs: “Meanwhile the problem is fueling anti-U.S.
antagonisms and a perception of capricious discrimination by U.S. bureaucrats
---and damping the visits to the U.S. of people from countries with whom
Washington would like to improve commercial and intellectual ties. Meanwhile
horror stories abound from friends and diplomats from Central and Eastern
Europe about the problems besetting foreigners seeking to visit the United
States. In fact bringing up the subject of visas with any resident of
those countries is like waving a red flag before a bull.” Visa waiver
must be satisfactorily addressed and resolved at long last.
I would conclude by noting that another overriding and compelling reason
for strengthening our ties with our genuine friends in Central and Eastern
Europe is Russia. It is quite evident that Russia has not reconciled its
loss of empire and is using other means, e.g., energy policies and intimidation
as in Estonia, to expand its influence in the region and weaken NATO.
Russia’s policies and willing partners in Central and Eastern Europe
highlight the dangers of old impulses and broken but not totally eliminated
old networks.
Just this week we participated in the dedication of the Victims of Communism
memorial and recalled the 100 million victims of the scourge of Communism.
The suffering has been too much, the sacrifices too great to let the “men
of November 4,” to use Charley Fenyvesi’s phrase, prevail.
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